THE DIRECTOR by Daniel Kehlmann

  • The Director: A Novel

The Weimar Republic and the rise of Nazi Germany have been mentioned a great deal in American political circles of late because of the supposed similarities of repression and violence in late 1920s and throughout the 30s in Germany compared to what has been occurring in the United States recently.  On a cultural level political figures in both time periods have tried to impact society whether it is on film, changing perceptions about history, literature, religion, immigration, and ethnic-racial relationships.  These time periods lend themselves as wonderful opportunities to create historical fiction.  Today’s obsession with autocracy and the loss of democracy are subjects which in the future will soon lead to many novels, but the Weimar and Nazi periods have already been mined deeply.  A recent example is German author, Daniel Kehlmann’s latest work, THE DIRECTOR which follows other reconceived historical novels like, MEASURING THE WORLD and TYLL in which the writer bases important scenes on real life.

In his latest Kehlmann focuses the famous Austrian filmmaker, G.W. Pabst, who along with Fritz Lang and F.W. Murnau were the major filmmakers of the Weimar era.  Pabst began his career as an actor and theater director, before becoming one of the most influential German-language filmmakers in Europe in the 1930s.  With the arrival of sound movies, he made a trilogy of films that secured his reputation: “Westfront 1918 (1930), “The Three Penny Opera (1931), and “Kameradschaft  (1931).  Pabst was planning to develop his career in Hollywood which did not work out so he left for France  when war was declared in 1939.  Finding himself trapped he was forced to return to Nazi Germany.  Under the auspices of propaganda minister, Joseph Goebbles Pabst made apolitical  films for the Nazis, forever complicating his reputation.

In Kehlmann’s novel, Pabst receives word that his mother is ailing, and he travels to Austria to visit her along with his wife and son who now witness the brutal cruelty of the Nazi regime whose Minister of Propaganda wants to enlist him to make pro-government films.  Pabst believes that he has free will and will not have to succumb to Goebbels’ persuasion, but that is a naïve belief.  The novel explores the complicated relationships and differences between “art and power, beauty and barbarism, cog and conspirator.”  Further, THE DIRECTOR is a parable about moral compromise and the seductions of art – and asks the question how far a person would go working with an evil taskmaster.

Austrian film director G.W. Pabst wearing a sweater vest and tie and holding a movie camera

(Director G.W. Pabst, who briefly worked in Hollywood before returning to Austria and working with the Third Reich, inspired Daniel Kehlmann’s engrossing historical fiction)

The reader is indirectly introduced to Pabst as Kehlmann opens the novel with Franz Welzek and a friend who resided at the Abendruh Sanitorium traveling to Vienna for an interview with Hans Conrad on his “What’s New On Sunday” television program.  Since Welzek had been Pabst’s assistant director at the outset of his career it was expected that his former mentor would be a topic of conversation, but it did not go well. 

Soon Kehlmann leads us to a 1933 scene where Pabst is lounging poolside in Hollywood at a friend’s house ruminating about his idea for a film – “War Has Been Declared.”  A pair of self-assured American studio executives arrive and try to convince Pabst to direct one of their films, but he refuses stating the script is weak.  Instead, Pabst tries to persuade them to make his film, “War Has Been Declared.”  The two ignore Pabst’s request and refuse to take no for an answer, but Pabst holds to his principles and begins to realize that he does fit into Hollywood’s artistical demands.

Fast forward once again and we find Pabst trying to convince Greta Garbo, (who owes the start of her career to Pabst) to star in his new film, but she has doubts and expresses her distaste for certain male actors.  Garbo’s commentary are among the many keen observations that Kehlmann makes throughout the novel about human behavior and how unstable it is.

Pabst feelings about Hollywood are reinforced at a gathering of film directors and producers at Fred Zinneman, the producer’s house as the usual chit chat was ongoing.  Two things emerge.  First, Pabst is convinced he must leave Hollywood and return home.  Second, a guest at the party, Kuno Kramer, a Nazi supporter tries to dissuade Pabst from returning to Vienna and settle in Germany where he would have the freedom to make the films he wants.  A constant undercurrent in the novel is the treatment of Jews in Vienna as guests discuss their plight, and Pabst fears that the Nazis who will achieve Anschluss with Austria shortly will force him to make films for the government whether in Austria or Germany.

With this backdrop the author develops Pabst’s journey to agree to make films for the Nazi regime.  After arriving in Vienna, then part of the Ostmark (Eastern March) as it was referred to after the Nazis seized Austria through the Anschluss of March 1938 Pabst and his family face a conundrum as they arrive at their Dreiturn Castle in the town of Tillmitsch to visit his mother Erika who seems to be suffering from dementia.  Kehlmann introduces many unusual characters, the first of which is Karl Jenzabek and his wife Liesl and their two daughters who are the caretakers of the property.  They are a  strange family who carry on in a mysterious and abusive manner toward Erika and her family.  Pabst decides they must leave especially after enduring a supposed accident on a ladder where he is injured.  In the background Nazism permeates as Karl sees himself as an important local Nazi leader and the anti-Semitic overtones are clear as is his racist hatred of Jews (Pabst is considered half-Jewish).  Pabst’s plan had been to visit his mother, get her settled and move on to Marseilles and travel by ship to New York to renew his film career in the United States.  Hitler’s invasion of Poland on September 1, 1939, closes the Austrian border leaving the Pabst family trapped and under Nazi suzerainty.

Author Daniel Kehlmann.

(Author Daniel Kehlmann)

Kehlmann’s scene construction and dialogue are curious .  When Pabst is on a ladder in his library and Jenzabek slowly moves it in a manner that creates fear resulting in the director losing his balance falling to the floor is puzzling.  When Gertrude, his wife demands that they call the police he refuses as he realizes there are no police for people like them in the Ostmark.  Other examples include Pabst’s interactions with Leni Riefenstahl who he helped begin her career in film and later would be his co-director, which she greatly resented.  Kehlmann’s portrayal of the creator of the Nazi documentary “Triumph of the Will” and Hitler favorite is incisive and reflects her true nature – a woman who did not feel the need for a co-director and things got rather testy when they worked together, to the point she even threatened him with a concentration camp visit.  Other examples reflect on the vapid nature of Nazi society as wives of government officials meet in a book group focusing on the mediocre novelist, Alfred Karrasch, which Pabst’s wife Gertrude attends and tries to gain cultural acceptance.  Lastly, there are many scenes that reflect the technical nature of making films and the role of the actors.  Interestingly, Pabst concludes that directors can be superfluous as the actors and technicians can carry on without them.

Kehlmann integrates incidents that highlight the cruelty of the Nazi regime.  A case in point is Pabst’s son, Jakob’s encounter with friends, one of which is a bully.  All are farm boys and avid Nazi believers, but Jakob comes to the realization that if you can defeat the bully, even by cheating you would be seen as a winner, and this would gain respect.  Once the incident takes place and Jakob is able to beat up his counterpart the lesson is learned.  You must always be seen as a winner, not worrying about how you won, but creating a positive perception by others no matter how you accomplish it.  This is right out of the “autocrat’s playbook” –  sounds familiar.

Triumph Des Willens - 1934

(Leni Riefenstahl and Adolf Hitler)

From this point on Kehlmann delves into the dilemma of collaboration with a murderous government that is on the verge of genocide.  Pabst is asked to visit the Ministry of Propaganda in Berlin when he meets Joseph Goebbles who creates a moral dilemma, either making films for the government or perhaps he will be taken elsewhere.  The dialogue is fascinating as Goebbels, who is never named by the author, first wants Pabst to admit the errors of his ways and do penance for making communist propaganda and being an enemy of the German people, but he doesn’t know how because he does not believe this characterization of himself.  In their innocuous conversation Pabst finally rationalizes his decision to cooperate with Goebbels forceful requests. One of  Pabst’s film colleagues puts it as best as he can rationalizing that “once you get used to it and know the rules, you almost feel free.”  Pabst wonders if he is losing his mind and hopes to delay making a film until the war is over.  Pabst rationalizes that “maybe it’s not so important what one wants.  The important thing is to make art under the circumstances one finds oneself in.”  He believes in Germany he will have good scripts and high budgets and the best actors, something that did not always occur in the United States and elsewhere. 

In reality he had more creative freedom in the Third Reich than under the Hollywood studio system, but it came at a steep price casting concentration camp victims as extras in a pivotal scene.  He also collaborated with Riefenstahl on her film “Lowlands,” which used prisoners from Maxglan in Salzburg, Austria where more than 230 Sinti and Roma were kept in prison as forced laborers. In Spring 1943, they were deported to an extermination camp.  Wilzek justifies the film telling Pabst that “there’s nothing we can do; we didn’t make it happen.  We can’t keep it from happening.  It has nothing to do with us.” 

Kehlmann’s recasting Pabst’s life through historical fiction is a Faustian tale that explores how far an artist will compromise with the devil to continue to make his art.  In Pabst’s case we must wonder about his rationalizations as he is no better than Riefenstahl as he uses extras from a camp near Prague (probably Theresienstadt) in the last of the three films he made for the Nazis, “The Molander Case.”  Pabst is desperate to complete the film before the Red Army arrives.  He needs 750 extras taken from the camp to play as the audience in a concert hall.  Pabst will murmur to himself that “not a single person.  Will be harmed because of us.  No one has been…the film must be finished.”  For Pabst once again rationalizes that “his art will endure beyond any regime,”  but isn’t this a final descent into complicity?

Kehlmann states “that art might warrant moral compromises, but how far do you go?”  For the author he does not know what he might have done.  In an intellectual exercise you hope you will do the correct thing.

Triumph Des Willens - 1934

(Nuremberg Party Rally, 1935)

CROATIA UNDER ANTE PAVELIC: AMERICA, THE USTASE AND CROATIAN GENOCIDE IN WORLD WAR II by Robert McCormick

File:Western Balkans 1942.2008.png

(The Balkans during World War II)

The conclusion of the Second World War brought about a rearrangement of wartime allies as the Cold War commenced.  In addition, to this realignment there were a number of decisions made by America and its allies after the war to pursue certain war criminals including Nazi intelligence assets and scientists.  This would lead to welcoming Wernher von Braun and 116 German scientists into the United States to continue work on V2 rockets and other projects culminating in July 1970s landing on the moon.  Other questionable characters were allowed to escape to South America despite the efforts of “Nazi hunters” like Simon Wiesenthal and operatives of Israeli intelligence.  The American role in this process has been scrutinized by many historians who have produced many critical monographs exploring the actions of the Truman administration.  One glaring example is the treatment and attitude toward Croatia’s fascist leader Ante Palevic after the war, who along with other members of his Ustase party was responsible for the deaths of over 350,000 Serbs, Jews, and Roma. 

A few months ago, my wife and I toured Croatia and Bosnia led by our Croatian friend and guide, Davor Miskic who exposed us to Croatia’s long and tortured history and arranged visits to many historical sites having to do with the Second World War and what Croatians call the War for the Homeland in the 1990s.  One that stood out was our visit to  the Jasenovac concentration camp which was situated near the village of Jasenovac in occupied Yugoslavia and operated by the Ustaše Supervisory Service.  The camp was known for the mass murder of Serbs, Romani people, Jews, and political opponents, including Croat and Bosnian Muslim dissidents.  It was notorious for its extreme brutality, often exceeding that of some Nazi-run camps, and was one of the ten largest in Europe.  The camp was largely destroyed by the Ustaše in April 1945 to hide evidence of their crimes. 

 Ante Pavelic was a Croatian nationalist who believed that the Serbian people were an inferior race and at the end of the war was never made to answer for his crimes and was able to escape to exile in South America partly due to the role of the United States who had their own Cold War priorities.  This era of Croatian history is very controversial and today has still not been resolved, and during moral and ethical discussions or whenever war politics emerges heated arguments can take place.   After our visit to Croatia, I became very interested in the role of Pavelic and that of the United States after the war.  There are few worthy historical monographs in English on the topic, but Robert B. McCormick’s CROATIA UNDER ANTE PAVELIC: AMERICA, THE USTASE AND CROATIAN GENOCIDE IN WORLD WAR II despite some flaws, is one of the most useful in English.

(Adolf Hitler greets Ante Pavelic on June 6, 1941)

McCormick’s monograph is broken into four sections.  First, he provides a concise and useful background describing Yugoslav politics before World War I and the diverse factions leading up to the creation of Yugoslavia after the war I including Croatia’s role in the new country.  He goes on to review the problems this structure created particularly with Croatian nationalists who wanted their independence.  Secondly, McCormick examines the 1930s and the rise of Pavelic as a leader of the Croatian nationalist movement and the rise of the Ustase.  Thirdly, he considers Pavelic and the Ustase actions during World War II, and lastly, how Pavelic and other Ustase figures escaped prosecution in Europe for their crimes and fled to South America.  Throughout the author integrates the role of Washington as the narrative evolves focusing on the role of domestic politics in the United States and its impact on Croatia and Yugoslavia.  He focuses on the State Department and the intelligence community in his analysis of how Pavelic reached power, committed atrocities, and finally escaped and reached a number of conclusions, however few are new.

McCormick’s analysis into Pavelic’s belief system is important as it provides the basis for his actions throughout the 1920s, 30s, and 40s.  He would create the Ustase as a revolutionary and terroristic organization employing extreme violence in the pursuit of his agenda of Croatian independence.  His ideology was proto-fascist, but he also held a deep belief in Catholicism – a mystical belief in the holiness and sanctity of the Croatian state.  To achieve his goals Serbian and foreign influence within Croatia had to be destroyed as well as the Yugoslav state.  For Pavelic Croatians were of pure peasant stock with a separate nationality from other Balkan people.  Individual rights were secondary to the maintenance and establishment of Croatia.  Peasants were placed on a pedestal – the solid, pure, incorruptible peasant was portrayed similarly to the way the Nazis portrayed the Aryan race.  Finally, he believed that the Croatian people were chosen by God to protect and defend Catholicism against Eastern Orthodox Christianity and Communism.  McCormick’s description of Pavelic’s belief system makes it easy for the reader to understand the extreme actions he was responsible for.

The importance of Washington’s role is stressed throughout.  The role of Croats and Serbs in American politics is overly stressed in creating funding for the Ustase’s violent behavior in Croatia.  McCormick repeatedly argues whenever he talks about the impact of Croats and Serbs in American politics that the Department of State and FDR’s advisors did not want to anger either community because most who had immigrated to the US had settled in midwestern industrial cities like Youngstown, Chicago, Cleveland, Akron, and Pittsburgh which contained factories that were a necessity to the American war effort.  I am not saying his analysis is incorrect+, but he repeatedly makes the same argument blaming the State Department for its lack of interest in events in Croatia and the fundraising in the Croatian community, which does not make for easy reading.

.
Ante Pavelic

(Ante Pavelic)

McCormick concludes throughout the book that most Croatians were working class people and had little money to donate to the Croatian national movement overseen by Pavelic supporters like Ante Dosen, Frank Budek, Reverend Ivan Stipanovic, and Dr. Branimir Jelic. McCormick spends a great deal of time discussing the movement to enlist American Croats in the Pavelic and the Ustase cause, but overall, there were few Croatian-Americans who became Pavelic supporters during World War II.    This is the most detailed aspect of the book and in the end it does not deserve the coverage the author provides, though his coverage of Franciscans and their support for Pavelic is interesting and goes along with the Pope’s refusal to condemn Ustase policies during the war.

An area of strength for McCormick is the chapter entitled “Carnage” where he lays out the course of World War II and its impact on non-Christian Croatian people.  He provides a detailed description of Ustase concentration camps, particularly Jasenovac, one of twenty-two camps controlled by the wartime Croatian government which was a puppet state of Nazi Germany.  The government was referred to as  the Independent State of Croatia (NDH in Croatian) and was a one party dictatorship under the exigencies of the fascist Ustase organization under Ante Pavelic.  The regime target Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies as part of its large scale campaign of genocide, in addition to anti-fascist or dissident Croatians and Bosnian Muslims.  McCormick’s observation that the crimes committed by the NDH proportionally surpassed  only by Nazi Germany is bone chilling.

Washington became aware of the Ustatse genocide in May 1941 but as was the case with the Holocaust did little.  The State Department under Cordell Hull never paid much attention to the Balkans believing it was in the British sphere of influence, and any offers of American aid were almost perfunctory as by the time lend-lease, which was offered by FDR would reach Yugoslavia it would be too late.  McCormick is correct that in large part that the problem in the State Department resides under the umbrella of Breckenridge Long, who had been US Ambassador to Italy in the 1930s where he was well-versed in Croat-Serb hatred, and was Assistant Secretary of State in charge of immigration during World War II.   Long’s approach to the massacre of Serbs was similar to his approach in blocking Jewish immigration during the Holocaust.  Long was an extreme nativist who deserves greater discussion than McCormick offers.  The author should have developed Long’s racist and bigoted approach toward immigration further as he was against anyone from the Balkans or Eastern Europe from immigrating to the United States.

Ante Pavelic, head of Croatian delegation, Rome

(Ante Pavelic and Benito Mussolini May 22, 1941)

As Pavelic’s atrocities became known even Hitler wanted him to tone it down as it was driving Serbs and some Croats to join Josip Broz Tito’s partisans who were fighting the Nazis throughout Yugoslavia.  Further  it created difficulties for the Nazis to gain control of Croatian natural resources – food and bauxite.  In the end Hitler will allow him to continue the killing as it conformed to his racial views.  As he grew increasingly unpopular Pavelic would blame the Communists.  His unpopularity apart from his genocide were the death of thousands of Croatians who died at Stalingrad fighting with the Nazis.  When Italy surrendered to the allies, the Nazis seized Dalmatia which provided even further evidence that Pavelic was Hitler’s puppet.  One would think that despite the Office of Strategic Services under William Donavan’s optimism to take advantage of Pavelic’s unpopularity the US would have altered its policies, but as per usual the State Department blocked any opportunity to do so.

McCormick’s analysis of the war’s conclusion and Pavelic’s ability to escape arrest and prosecution lacks any new information.  One of the issues that stands out is the author’s lack of interest in the Bleiberg Massacre at the end of the war where thousands tried to reach the Austrian border as the war concluded.  They were not allowed entrance and were pushed back into Yugoslavia resulting in the death of between 30-100,000 people murdered by Tito’s partisans.  McCormick covers the massacre in one short paragraph.  Further, the author’s explanation of how Pavelic escaped justice is the standard argument that the former Ustase murderer benefited from the difficulties inherent in the United States-Yugoslav relationship as Washington saw Tito as conforming to the Soviet line refusing to deal with the extradition of war criminals that Belgrade was interested in.  What is clear is that Stalin and Tito did not get along as Yugoslavia was not liberated from the Nazis by the Red Army, but more so by the actions of Tito’s partisan forces.  Stalin could not accept Tito’s approach to creating a monolithic voice within the communist bloc which is obvious from their communications.  The United States lost an opportunity with Yugoslavia as it saw a cohesive Communist world opposing them.

Serbs interned in the Jasenovac camp

Serbs interned in the Jasenovac concentration camp in Croatia. [LCID: 85815]

(Serbs interned in the Jasenovac concentration camp in Croatia. Jasenovac, Yugoslavia, 1941–45)

The author’s treatment of Yugoslav government attempts to extradite Pavelic is very useful,blaming  British and American opposition to the Cold War climate that existed after the war.  He lays out the role of elements within the Catholic church in hiding, financing, and facilitating travel for Pavelic and other Ustase escapees.  Italy and the Vatican play a major role in this scenario as Washington feared a communist electoral victory in Italy and did not want to anger Catholic voters.  According to McCormick there is evidence to suggest that Pavelic met with high Vatican officials including Monsignor Montini, Secretary of State for the Holy See, the future Pope Paul VI. 

View of the Jasenovac camp

View of the Jasenovac concentration camp in Croatia. [LCID: 67090]

(View of the Jasenovac concentration camp in Croatia. Jasenovac, Yugoslavia, 1941-1942)

McCormick delves into State Department policies and roadblocks related to capturing Pavelic and turning him over to Tito’s government.  Washington took a page out of Mussolini’s diplomatic playbook from the late 1930s through the war in keeping Pavelic under surveillance as an asset to be used against Tito’s government.  Italy and England’s role are explored, and the United States repeatedly shifts the blame on to them for their inability to meet Tito’s demands for Pavelic.  McCormick is correct in concluding that had the United States arrested Pavelic and prosecuted him for war crimes after the war his impact on post-war Croatian society may have been different.  At the very least it would have improved Yugoslavian-American relations during the Cold War which would only have benefited US relations with Tito.

Part of McCormick’s issue is that he relied almost solely on English-language sources, the broadness of the book’s scope, and the title which is somewhat inaccurate.   I expected the monograph to focus more on the internal workings of Pavelic’s regime and less on the émigré organizations and figures in the United States.  A clearer introduction is called for, but in support of McCormick’s effort I would point out that despite its shortcomings the book is readable, well researched, and provides a useful introduction to the topic.

File:Map Western Balkans 1942.png

V2 by Robert Harris

(SPL)

(V2 rocket)

As I wrote in my last review that evaluated Robert Harris’ most recent publication, PRECIPICE, there are few authors of historical fiction that I look forward to reading more.  I have spent many hours engrossed and entertained by his novels and never completed one without feeling totally satisfied.  PRECIPICE centers on the affair between English Prime Minister H.H. Asquith and Lady Venitia Stanley at the outset of World War I that turns into a spy novel.  Among his other novels, are ACT OF OBLIVION brilliantly reimagines one of the great manhunts in English history, the search for two men involved in the killing of Charles I. CONCLAVE which presents the politics and machinations in electing a Pope; MUNICH examines the process that led to the infamous conference that provided Adolf Hitler with the Sudetenland; FATHERLAND, an alternate history with the Nazis victorious in World War II and its implications; ARCHANGEL a novel that is built around a lost diary of Joseph Stalin; ENIGMA, the reader is transported to 1943 as the allies try to break the German code as u boats wreak havoc in the Atlantic;  AN  OFFICER AND A SPY recreates the Dreyfus Affair as a Jewish officer is accused of selling war secrets to the Germans in the 1890s; THE SECOND SLEEP, a book whose power lies in its between-the-lines warning that our embrace of the internet represents some kind of sleepwalk into oblivion; THE GHOST WRITER, a thriller of power politics, corruption and murder involving the memoirs of a former British Prime Minister; finally there are Harris’ exquisite novels that are referred to as THE CICERO TRILOGY: IMPERIUM, LUSTRUM/CONSPIRATA, DICTATOR tracking the orator’s rise and fall, and the stand alone thriller POMPEII set during the Vesuvius eruption. 

As the Second World War was reaching its conclusion in desperation Hitler and his Nazi regime resorted to unleashing its last secret weapon and the world’s first long-range guided ballistic missile called the V2 first striking London on September 8, 1944.  This ushered in the missile age with supersonic, silent impacts, killing thousands, with over 500 hitting the city before the war’s end, leaving behind craters and memorials and causing devastating damage to areas of London.  The V stood for “Vergeltungswaffe,” or weapon of vengeance, and was designed to retaliate for allied bombing of German cities.  It was Hitler’s final “secret weapon,” designed to terrorize British cities. It traveled at three times the speed of sound, meaning it struck without any warning—unlike the slower V1 “doodlebugs”.  Hitler believed he could finally bomb England into submission and is referred to in the propaganda of Joseph Goebbles and other Nazi officials as the key to victory when all seemed lost.

(1931, Werner von Braun in the driver’s seat and two colleagues)

V2 is a work of historical fiction set in November 1944 that explores the German rocket program and the British efforts to stop it. The story is inspired by the true history of the world’s first long-range ballistic missile and the extraordinary work of women in the British intelligence service.   Harris was inspired to author the novel because of the work of Eileen Younghusband, a member of the Women’s Auxiliary Air Force (WAAF) during World War II.  After reading Younghusband’s 2016 obituary in The Times, Harris was struck by her work during the war as she was sent to newly liberated Belgium to track mobile V2 launch sites.

(May 3, 1945. von Braun’s surrender to the Americans)

In V2 we are introduced to Rudi Graf, an engineer who always dreamed of building rockets and sending them to the moon.  However, during the war he wound up working alongside Wernher von Braun, a friend he had known since he was sixteen years old launching rockets across the English Channel into London.  Harris explores the moral conflict of scientists working under the Nazi regime through Graf who becomes a protégé of von Braun.  The second important character is Kay Caton-Walsh who volunteered for the Mechelen Project in late 1944, a part of a team of eight WAAFs (Women’s Auxiliary Airforce) that was dispatched to the Belgian town of Mechelen. Their mission was to use advanced mathematics and slide rules to extrapolate the parabolic curves of incoming rockets back to their points of origin.  Walsh’s goal was twofold, first she saw it as an opportunity to put some distance between herself and her affair with a superior officer, second and more importantly to work with colleagues to try and destroy the Nazi launch sites as attacks on London kept increasing.

(Mittelwerk underground V2 production facility)

The novel unwinds slowly as Harris lays the foundation of the story he is about to tell, introducing a number of important characters apart from Graf and Walsh.  The majority of characters are fictitious, but others are true historical figures who are accompanied with brief biographies.  Werner von Braun plays a major role as Harris explores the “Faustian pact” he made with his engineers, who dreamed of space flight but accepted military funding to build weapons of mass destruction.  General Hans Kammler was an SS-Obergruppenführer responsible for Nazi civil engineering projects and its top secret V-weapons program and thought nothing of shooting 500 villagers in retaliation for any resistance actions.  There are cameos by men like Heinrich Himmler and others but other impactful characters include Clarence Knowsley, part of the Defense Fighter Command who developed a plan to track the V2;  Sturmscharfuhrer Biwack of the National Socialist Leadership Office, a fanatical Nazi who is sent to Peenemunde to instill the proper loyalty for Hitler and spy on rocket engineers; Air Commander Michael Templeton in charge at the Mechelen base to locate V2 launch sites; Colonel Walter Huber, commander of the Artillery Regiment located at the Dutch seaside resort of Scheveningen; Barbara Colville, Walsh’s friend and fellow WAAF mate trying to determine Nazi launch sites, and a host of others.

(November 10, 1944, Aldgate section of London. Damage from V2 rocket attack)

Harris alternates chapters centering on Graf and Walsh.  Focusing on the German engineer Harris examines how the V2 was developed, transported to the launch sites, the actual launches, and his role in determining how effective the infrastructure of the rocket worked.  As the launches continued Graf begins to question his loyalty as more and more the SS began to take control of the V2 launches and eventually takes certain steps that brought him to the attention of the Gestapo.  Harris will then switch his attention to Walsh’s role in interpreting photographic intelligence from the Dutch coast where rockets were launched and her reassignment  to Mechelen to try and apply her math skills along with seven other women to determine the launch sites of the V2.

(October, 1945. British soldiers with captured V2 rocket)

Harris is well versed in the history of the V2 program and the historical events that impacted it.  For example, in October 1944 the allied Arnhem parachute landings forced the Germans to pull the V2 launchers temporarily out of the area around the Hague which put London out of range for the rockets.  Unfortunately, Operation Market Garden failed, allowing the Nazis to reoccupy the coastal strip leading to the worst month of V2 bombing of London as in the first week of November twelve rockets hit the greater area of the city, followed by thirty-five the second week, and twenty-seven the third week.  Harris portrays Nazi desperation as accidents at launch sites begin to occur as they push too hard to launch twelve rockets in a day.  The problem Harris correctly points out is that von Braum had over promised what the V2 program could deliver as he built massive factories, living quarters, and launched infrastructure that employed thousands, along with its own railroad.  Harris also introduces the Nordhausen underground factory, a significant historical detail that cost approximately 20,000 slave laborers their lives building the rockets—nearly four times more than the 2,724 people killed by the rockets themselves in Britain. 

Despite the technological brilliance, the V2 program was a strategic failure. Despite the success of the Nazi shell game moving rockets at night, shifting launchers from place to place the rockets themselves were inaccurate, expensive, and could not be fired in sufficient numbers to change the war’s outcome. 

(V1 “Doodlebug” German rocket)

Harris does a credible job reflecting on the issue of collaboration, particularly the plight of French and Belgium women who had relationships with the Germans leading to their being ostracized from their communities and being labeled as their hair was shorn.  The Vermeulen family which housed Walsh when she worked at Mechelen is another example as the parents had two sons one Arnaud who was vehemently anti-Nazi and a younger brother who fought for them.  Once they realized what was occurring and the brother returned home from the Russian front the family hid him – did that make them collaborators?

By its conclusion, the novel goes full-circle as Graf and Walsh meet as British intelligence is trying to convince von Braun and other scientists to work for them, not the Americans.  However, von Braun had worked out a plan to negotiate with the Americans, which he accomplished and was able to offer his services to the United States to build long range rockets which would culminate on the moon landing decades later.  Harris does bring up the issue of the “deals” Washington made with Nazi scientists  which the exigencies of the Cold War rationalized.*  It is a topic that could have expanded the novel and might have been quite fascinating.  However, after a slow beginning, Harris’ effort becomes increasingly interesting and is a strong addition to his works of historical fiction.

*After the war, von Braun and 1600 other German scientists and engineers were recruited by the United States as government employees in a secret program called Operation Paperclip (see Annie Jacobsen’s book of the same name).  By 1960, von Braun’s team had been absorbed by NASA.  In 1975 he received the National Medal of Science.  History is rather interesting especially when people change their loyalties to fit their own agendas.

V2s were powered by a liquid ethanol fuel which pushed them to the edge of space (SPL)

(V2s were powered by a liquid ethanol fuel which pushed them to the edge of space)

PRECIPICE by Robert Harris

Henry Asquith and his long-suffering wife Margot. Much of the book relies on her accounts of the war and the pair's relationship

(Henry Asquith and his long-suffering wife Margot. Much of the book relies on her accounts of the war and the pair’s relationship)

There are few purveyors of historical fiction that I await with bated breath until their next novel is published.  One such author is Robert Harris.  I have spent hours reading his novels and never completed one without feeling totally satisfied.  His last novel, ACT OF OBLIVION brilliantly reimagines one of the great manhunts in English history, the search for two men involved in the killing of Charles I.  Others include CONCLAVE which presents the politics and machinations in electing a Pope; MUNICH examines the process that led to the infamous conference that provided Adolf Hitler with the Sudetenland; FATHERLAND, an alternate history with the Nazis victorious in World War II and its implications; ARCHANGEL a novel that is built around a lost diary of Joseph Stalin; ENIGMA, the reader is transported to 1943 as the allies try to break the German code as u boats wreak havoc in the Atlantic; V2 focuses on the German missile campaign during World War II; AN  OFFICER AND A SPY recreates the Dreyfus Affair as a Jewish officer is accused of selling war secrets to the Germans in the 1890s; THE SECOND SLEEP, a book whose power lies in its between-the-lines warning that our embrace of the internet represents some kind of sleepwalk into oblivion; THE GHOST WRITER, a thriller of power politics, corruption and murder involving the memoirs of a former British Prime Minister; finally there are Harris’ exquisite novels that are referred to as THE CICERO TRILOGY: IMPERIUM, LUSTRUM/CONSPIRATA, DICTATOR tracking the orator’s rise and fall, and the stand alone thriller POMPEII set during the Vesuvius eruption. 

In his latest novel, PRECIPICE, like much of Harris’ work is based on historical fact, is set in the summer of 1914 as England and the rest of Europe are moving closer and closer to war.  The novel takes place over less than a year – from July 1914 to May 1915 and involves a twenty-six year old woman, Venitia Stanley, a clever and reckless person who belongs to upper-class bohemians and socialites called “the Coterie.”  In addition, she is having an affair with a man twice her age, English Prime Minister H. H. Asquith.  After World War I finally commenced we learn that Scotland Yard suspects the leak of top-secret documents and assigns an intelligence officer to investigate.  In constructing the novel Harris was given access to an archive of letters, telegrams and official documents in the possession of the Bonham-Carter family.  Employing these documents Harris has created a brilliant storyline about a secret love affair.

The Prime Minister, Henry Asquith, was secretly madly in love with a woman less than half his age, Venetia Stanley

(The Prime Minister, Henry Asquith, was secretly madly in love with a woman less than half his age, Venetia Stanley)

The book is a nice blend of historical events and characters revolving around a true story.  The fictional component rests in Scotland Yard’s investigator, Paul Deemer, who is chosen to ferret out where the leaks are coming from and in so doing he is placed in the midst of Asquith and Stanley’s affair.  The love story component traces the relationship of the “lovesick” Prime Minister of England’s and Miss Stanley.  Harris integrates many letters that pass through the postal system that Deemer intercepts in addition to those that passed between the two before Scotland Yard became involved.  The issue is that for some reason Asquith conveys a great deal of strategic and command intelligence to his paramour.  What possessed him to pass along war secrets, possibly a desire to impress Stanley who he was smitten with, but as he did so he engaged in behavior that was not just reckless but downright illegal.  Amazingly, after showing top secret materials to Stanley, Asquith frequently wads them up and throws them out of the window of a car or reading documents to Stanley while going for a walk and then disposing of them in the trash.  It becomes so bad that Asquith’s attention to War Cabinet meetings and details are compromised as he reads and writes letters to Stanley while conducting the government’s war business.  A case in point is the debate in the War Cabinet to implement First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill’s use of the navy to enter the Dardanelles and attack the Ottoman Empire, a plan that was approved and resulted in the disaster at Gallipoli, and the split in the War Cabinet as to whether England should support France and Belgium.  Further Asquith discloses intelligence pertaining to the back and forth between Serbia and Austria, highlighted by the attitude of the Germans when it came to a possible war.

Harris is a master of highlighting social class inequality and the haughtiness of the Edwardian elite when dealing with wartime issues, and the document leaks.  Harris’ uses Deemer as his mouthpiece as he describes certain individuals as people who “seemed to believe themselves above the rules that applied to ordinary citizens.  Anything that might embarrass them was made to disappear.”   It is seen in the Asquith-Stanley relationship, the attitude of a number of characters, court hearings surrounding the drowning of Sir Denis Anson and William Mitchell, and the types of men who enlist to fight in 1914.  Further Harris juxtaposes the English “upper crust” with the soldiers who are off to war, and the English laboring class. 

Edwin Samuel Montagu

(Edwin Montagu)

As the novel evolves familiar historical figures make their appearance.  Apart from Asquith and Churchill we meet Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Minister; Bonar Law, the leader of the Tory Party, Lord Herbert Kitchner, British Secretary of State for War, King George V, Lloyd George, Liberal Party politician and future Prime Minister, Captain Holt Wilson, Commander of Special Branch, Vernon Kell, head of intelligence services responsible for internal security, Edwin Samuel Montagu, a liberal politician who would go on to serve as Secretary of State for India between 1917 and 1922,Albert Harmsworth, Lord Northcliffe, newspaper magnate who despised Asquith, among others.

Harris’ work exhibits strong research as he is in full command of historical events particularly the diplomatic game that led to the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia that led to the domino effect of countries entering World War I.  In reading Harris’ account, one might have imagined you were reading Barbara Tuchman’s seminal work, THE GUNS OF AUGUST.  As we are exposed to Asquith it becomes increasingly clear that despite the inevitability of war with Germany, his obsession with Stanley was on the top of his agenda. 

Asquith comes across as a “lovesick puppy” as he writes to Stanley three-four times a day and expects the same devotion from her.  Eventually she will grow tired of Asquith’s controlling behavior and thinking of how to extricate herself from their relationship which leads her to join the nursing corps to help English soldiers wounded in the war.  One must wonder that if Asquith was more attentive to his war responsibilities, and less concerned with his love life, the war may have been less deadly and drawn out.  Stanley comes across as more level-headed than her lover and she realizes early on that he should not be sharing wartime documents with her, going so far as trying to encourage him to stop.  Once she decides she doesn’t want to be a useless rich girl she moves to London to study nursing.  She understands how emotionally unstable Asquith has become and she fears if she breaks up the relationship for good, it could be disastrous for England and its allies.

World War I, 1914, A portrait of Winston Churchill first Lord of the admiralty at the start of the start of the first World War

(Winston Churchill, 1914)

Deemer is the character who should be most admired as he continues his investigation of Asquith and Stanleys’ almost hourly exchange of letters as he worries about the mismanagement of the war and its impact on his brother Fred, fighting as an infantryman in France.  Harris has Deemer and Stanley meet as the Special Branch investigator visits his brother in the London hospital in which she is training.  Deemer is an excellent investigator and figures out how to intercept the mail between Asquith and Stanley, steam open the letters and reseal them so they would not realize that they had been compromised.  Further, it is through Deemer that we learn the lengths Asquith has gone to win over Stanley and the type of information he was leaking.

The novel ends suddenly because Harris is inhibited by the historical record.  The main area that I wish Harris had not shied away from were psychological insights into Asquith’s character and needs.  The novel doesn’t focus as much on the chaotic push toward war as Barbara Tuchman as it focuses more on a man’s emotional collapse who is a prime example of human frailty.  However, the real life story ended with less than a bang, but the novel kept my attention throughout, and I recommend it along with his other works.

File:Herbert-Henry-Asquith-1st-Earl-of-Oxford-and-Asquith.jpg

(Prime Minister H. H. Asquith)

OUR FRIENDS IN MOSCOW: THE INSIDE STORY OF A BROKEN GENERATION by Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan

(People walk in snowfall on Red Square in Moscow, Russia, on Nov. 15, 2022)

By 1991 Russian President Mikhail Gorbachev had resigned, a coup failed to bring conservatives back to power, and Boris Yeltsin would lead the new Russia through a period of corruption and kleptocracy that by the end of the 1990s saw the former Soviet Union at a precipice.  Would it continue to try and improve relations with the west, or would it turn inward?  However, a watershed moment took place as Russian President Yeltsin resigned on December 31, 1999, and appointed Vladimir Putin as acting head of the government.  According to historians Philip Short, Steven Lee Myres, and Catherine Belton, that behind the scenes Putin, after serving as the Director of Federal Security Service (FSB) and as Secretary of the Security Council, had cut a deal to protect Yeltsin and his family from any criminal charges emanating from his presidency, and that Yeltsin resigned in order to give his protégé a leg up in the coming presidential election to insure that protection.

Once Putin was elected and took firm control Russia engaged in a series of wars, first a massive military invasion and occupation of Chechnya to restore federal control which lasted until 2009.  By 2008, Putin had decided that moving closer to western economic interests was not going to be Russia’s future and invaded Georgia in support of separatist regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.  The five day war resulted in Russian occupation of these territories which are internationally recognized as part of Georgia.  According to Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan in their new book OUR DEAR FRIENDS IN MOSCOW: THE INSIDE STORY OF A BROKEN GENERATION by 2011Putin came to an understanding that globalization with its ideas and technologies was the major threat to Russia and him personally.  Since 2011 Russia engaged in a series of actions and maneuvers to detach Moscow from the West.  In 2014 in response to Euromaidan protests, Russian forces took control of the Crimean peninsula.  In addition, Russia initiated a war in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, supporting separatist forces.  On February 24, 2022, Putin unleashed a large-scale invasion of Ukraine with the goal of quickly toppling the Zelensky government in Kyiv and installing a regime that was pro-Russian and would not make any moves toward the European Union or NATO.  In a few weeks, the war will enter its fourth year and no matter the pipe dreams of Donald Trump it appears Putin has no inclination toward making peace particularly as American support for Ukraine has eroded.

(the authors)

In their new book Soldatov and Borogan explore former friendships with people dating to the spring of 2000 following Putin’s election who met at the Russian daily newspaper, Izvestia.  By 2022, some of those friends in Moscow were serving Putin in one way or another.  At the same time, the authors were in exile in London separated from family and were wanted by Russian authorities.  Why had those friendships which had been so close evolved in the way they had?  How did former friends end up on such violently opposed sides?  The answer to these questions form the core of a fascinating and heart rendering book as the authors reconnected with a few of their former friends and follow this group from the optimistic years of the early 2000s, a time of brief liberalism under Dmitry Medvedev, the annexation of Crimea and the repressions that followed between 2016-2021, and the current war in Ukraine.  It is a journey that describes a soon to be global society with tremendous aspirations to “a dismal walled-in fortress.”

The authors spend the first segment of the book tracing their careers as they move from one newspaper or media outpost to the next.  In their discussion they integrate a series of friendships and the belief systems of those who they see as their compatriots.  Among the most important individuals that the authors discuss is Evgeny Krutikov who at one time was head of the Political Department at Izvestia and over the years developed extensive contacts in the Russian intelligence community.  The authors would work with him at the newspaper.  Petya Akopov emerges as another important relationship.  Akopov is a scion of Moscow intelligentsia who was the chief correspondent in the Political Department at Izvestia.  He and his wife Marina were always critical of the west and were against liberal values and believed Russia was a more spiritual civilization than the west.  Zhenya Baranov was an intrepid war correspondent for a Russian television channel who was good friends with Akopov. Olga Lyubimova, a television host with connections to reactionary film maker Nikita Mikhalkov.   Lastly, Sveta Babayeva who replaced Krutikov as head of the Political Department, an individual who had been a member of the Kremlin press pool attached to Putin.

Apart from their newspaper work Soldatov and Borogan launched a website, Agentura, “a ring of spies,” that was designed to be a community for journalists to write about security services for different newspapers.  At the outset, the FSB did not interfere because it sought to improve its image  and hoped to consolidate positive news reports on its actions.  At the same time, they launched their website, Vladimir Putin’s presidency  was experiencing difficulties.  The brutal Chechen civil war which led to repeated terror attacks was ongoing; and the sinking of the nuclear submarine Kursk while Putin was on vacation in Sochi became a propaganda nightmare.

Microphones on long booms extend out from a circle of journalists, some writing in notebooks with as a man at center ansers questions. A gridded glass roof is seen above.

(Microphones on long booms extend out from a circle of journalists, some writing in notebooks with as a man at center ansers questions. A gridded glass roof is seen above.Journalists question Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in Moscow, on Dec. 15, 2011).

At this point, the authors should have realized that they were not on the same page as their compatriots who found nothing wrong with Putin undergoing cosmetic surgery at a time when Russian sailors were drowning inside a submarine.  Akopov and others blamed the west for interfering in the crisis causing the authors to realize they could no longer work at Izvestia.     This would begin a journey of employment at a series of media outlets after resigning from Izvestia after a number of editorial conflicts over articles dealing with Russian security services.  The authors would hook on with Versia, a weekly tabloid which had worked with the KGB in the past and they suspected was corrupt, but they needed a job.  On October 23, 2002, Putin’s political problems reemerged as terrorists seized the Dubrovka Theater.  Special Forces would rush the theater and three days later 130 people, 5 terrorists were killed out of 1000 hostages taken.   Putin declared victory over terrorism as he did not want to appear weak despite the fact most were killed when government forces unleashed poison gas which backfired.  When Soldatov and Borogan posted an article entitled, “Not True” on their website and Versia picked it up the result was an FSB raid , interrogation at the infamous Lefortovo  prison and new employment.  The authors would move on to the Moscow News which coincided with the Brelan school massacre in the North Caucusus which consisted of 334 dead hostages of which 186 were children.  Their friend Baranov would praise Putin’s response and  made a derogatory and false documentary describing the leader of Georgia.  By this time, it was clear Baranov and Krutikov were propagandists working for security agencies.  Shortly thereafter, the authors were let go by the Moscow News.                                                                                                                                                                                                

Russian Minister of Culture Olga Lyubimova attends a ceremony in Moscow

(Russian Minister of Culture Olga Lyubimova) 

Soon the only place they could publish was on their website and a new platform, Ej.ru which was a home for anti-Putin liberals.  By this time, the Russian economy was booming due to oil revenues.  People began experiencing economic improvement and wealth seemed to touch a large segment of the urban population.  Putin saw this as an opportunity to crack down on any opposition resulting in the assassinations of Anna Politkovskaya, an anti-Putin journalist at Novaya Gazeta, and Alexander Litvinenko, a former FSB officer.  Anyone who opposed Putin was a target including Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the head of the largest energy company in Russia who was accused of tax evasion, embezzlement, and assassination and would be imprisoned for over ten years and find his wealth confiscated.

The authors do an excellent job integrating their journalistic journey with events in Russia.  By 2008 Putin will invade Georgia expanding on his belief that the breakup of the Soviet Union was the worst thing that ever happened to Russia.  It was the first step in a two decade long campaign to restore Moscow to its proper place in the world order.  Putin would emerge from the Georgia imbroglio with an 88% popularity in Russian polls.  2008 was also a watershed year for the authors as they learned the murder of Anna Politkovskaya involved an FSB officer leading to their newspaper firing them.

Soldatov and Brogden’s thesis trying to understand how their compatriots had wound up on the other side of the political spectrum from them has a clear answer – the signs were evident from the outset of their friendships as they learned the views and backgrounds of these individuals.  Akopov’s belief in the monastic traditions of the Russian Orthodox Church as an alternative to western philosophy should have been a warning sign.  Even Baranov spoke of the orthodox faith  as he reported on Channel One, the main Russian television station.  As Putin decided to make Russian orthodoxy a national ideology, the authors should not have been surprised.

Former Russian journalist Ivan Safronov before a court hearing on treason charges in Moscow on July 7.

(Former Russian journalist Ivan Safronov before a court hearing on treason charges in Moscow on July 7, 1997)

Many believed the term of Dimitri Medvedev symbolized a more liberal Russia.  But it was clear Putin was making the decisions in the background and would soon resume the Russian presidency.  Once Putin returned and seized Crimea and attacked the Donbas region in Ukraine it was clear what his ideology was and would continue to be.  Soldatov and Borogan’s disappointment in their friends would continue as  they chose the path of going along with the government as their Izvestia  friends showed their true colors.  In 2014 Baranov was a presenter for Channel One, the Kremlin propaganda channel, pushing a narrative of Nazis in Ukraine and Nato aggression, while his wife crossed the almost non-existent line between state and press to become Deputy Minister of Culture the following year.  Akopov authored a triumphalist essay, published in February 2022: ‘Putin has resolved the Ukrainian question’; it was swiftly removed from the internet when the Ukrainians stopped the Russian army outside Kyiv.

One would ask why these people made the choice of becoming government propagandists.  They were well educated, intelligent people, but financial need, family, health issues carry great weight in decision making or perhaps it was nostalgia for the power of the Soviet Union – for each individual it is a personal choice once Putin’s direction was clear.   Journalists had little choice if they hoped to make a decent living but to work for state media and get in line with the official ideology. Putin was suffocating the independent media and civil society that emerged in the early 2000s and by 2014 that suffocation was complete.

The depth of the author’s break with past friends is evident as Douglas Smith writes in the August 3, 2025, edition of the Wall Street Journal;  “In the eyes of their friends, Mr. Soldatov and Ms. Borogan were either traitors or fools. In 2012 Mr. Akopov called them “scum” and implied they were foreign agents for their investigations into the security services. Ms. Lyubimova, who built a career making patriotic films and eventually climbed the government ranks to become the minister of culture, mocked the notion that Russia could ever be moved from its authoritarian historical foundations. Resistance was futile, submission was the only option. In what became known as the “Lyubimova Manifesto,” she stated that the way to survive was to give in, as she did, like a rape victim: “I lie on my back, spread my legs, breathe deeply, and even try to enjoy it.” 

By February 24, 2022, the day Putin unleashed his attack on Ukraine the authors had already moved to London, however there was and is a target on their backs.  They have been followed, warned by police that they were in danger, and in June 2022 the Russian Interior Ministry issued an arrest warrant for them.  They have had to resort to what they learned about spy craft during their journalistic careers as part of their survival strategy.

(People walk in snowfall on Red Square in Moscow, Russia, 2022)

THE FINEST HOTEL IN KABUL: A PEOPLE’S HISTORY by Lyse Doucet

Kabul, Afghanistan - July 25, 2023: Aerial view of Intercontinental Hotel Kabul Stock Photo

With the recent American incursion into Venezuela to capture the country’s dictator Nicolas Maduro and President Trump’s comments that the United States was now in charge of the South American country the situation has reintroduced the terms “nation-building,” and “forever wars” into the American lexicon.   This has fostered memories of our twenty year war in Afghanistan along with thoughts of loss of life and treasure.  Lyse Doucet, a Canadian journalist and the BBC’s chief correspondent’s new book, THE FINEST HOTEL IN KABUL: A PEOPLE’S HISTORY explores the war in Afghanistan from a novel perspective that being the staff and guests of the luxury Hotel Inter-Continental Kabul which opened its doors in 1969.  Doucet presents the views of many individuals she met after first checking into the hotel in 1988.  From inside the hotels’ battered walls she experienced events until 2021 when the hotel finally shuttered its doors for good.  From her perch in the hotel, she weaves together the many stories of Afghans who kept the hotel in business despite the violence, political corruption, and death that seared their lives.  Doucet’s approach is richly imaginative as she narrates the war through the eyes of those people who worked in and passed through the hotel for over two decades.

Doucet first traveled to Kabul in 1988 to report on the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan.  From that time, she developed relationships with a myriad of characters who worked at the hotel or were its guests.  She reports that most people have lost old photographs, videos, or written documentation of the period because of the brutal aspects of Soviet rule, civil war and living under the Taliban.  However, one thing they maintained was their memories which allowed them to relate their experiences as the hotel tried to maintain its decorum and care for its guests under rocket fire, suicide bombings, or terrorist incursions into the hotel itself.

(A waiter at the Inter-Continental Hotel in Kabul)

Doucet does a remarkable job reporting on the lives of her subjects tracing the evolution of their attachment to the hotel at the same time events transpired in Kabul and its environs which they had no control over.  Doucet lets the reader know what her subjects are responding to on a daily basis, but the war itself does not overwhelm the stories of the many people who remained loyal to the Inter-Continental hotel.

Each individual that Doucet presents seems to possess the Afghan sensibility to humanity expressed by empathy and doing the best for others in situations that most would give up on.  She explores the daily lives of the hotel’s staff, their families, survival, and their hopes for peace in the future.  She begins with the threat of the Taliban’s return in 2021 as the United States withdraws its remaining troops under the Biden administration and the fears it produces, then she turns back the clock and begins to introduce the hotel’s staff juxtaposed to political and military events in the Kabul region.

Among the most important individuals she introduces is Hazrat, who in his early twenties comes to work at the hotel during its glory years of the 1970s.  He would begin his career as a busboy who would earn a certificate from the Department of Vocational Education at the Royal Ministry of Education.  Hazrat’s would be the focus of many events that Doucet reports upon.  He would moonlight as a bartender, which is interesting in a Moslem country.  The author follows Hazrat’s promotions within the hotel hierarchy as a tool to describe the events in Kabul throughout his five decades at the hotel.  He would join the housekeeping staff in 1978 and eventually would be placed in charge of maintaining the diverse floors of the hotel.  He would develop an intimate knowledge of the hotel, its repeated refurbishing and rebuilding due to the war over the decades.  It would come in  handy decades later in 2018 when three Taliban gunmen smuggled weapons into the hotel and proceeded to kill and maim staff and guests indiscriminately.  He and two younger staffers were able to escape because of Hazrat’s knowledge of a closet with wide steel piping where they could hide.

Guests at the Intercontinental Hotel

(Guests being served at the Intercontinental Hotel)

The author integrates her mini-biographies and the attendant stories seamlessly throughout the narrative interspersing events that affected the lives of staff and the general Kabul population over the decades.  She reports on the December 1979 coup that would lead to the Soviet invasion and ten years of war against Moscow and the growth of the mujahedeen armed by the United States who eventually defeated the Soviets.  The brutality of the war is presented clearly, but not in the usual political and military fashion.  Once Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbahev announces in 1991 that Russia would no longer provide food and fuel to the Afghan people it would engender a decade of civil war that would produce the Taliban, a group of former mujahedeen who grew tired of the factionalism, warlordism, corruption, and violence that permeated Afghanistan during the period.  9/11 would become the watershed for the next twenty years as the United States and its Afghan allies would invade, defeat the Taliban, and install the corrupt regime of Hamid Karzai, a former mujahedeen, but a pragmatic and personal individual.  Doucet keeps these events in the background as she describes the plight of the hotel staff and the hotel itself.

Doucet exhibits a sense of humor despite the horrors she reports on.  A prime example is how warlord factionalism leads to so many governmental changes particularly as the Soviet took control.  Afghani leaders from the 1970s onward have overseen a period of intense volatility, shifting from monarchy to republic, communist rule, civil war, Taliban fundamentalism, and democratic transition. Key figures include Daoud Khan (1973–1978), who established the first republic; the PDPA communist leaders Nur Muhammad Taraki, Hafizullah Amin, Babrak Karmal, and Mohammad Najibullah (1978–1992); Mujahideen leaders such as Ahmad Shah Massoud and Burhanuddin Rabbani (1992–1996); Taliban leaders Mullah Omar (1996–2001) and Hibatullah Akhundzada (2021–present); and post-2001 presidents Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani.   Each time a governmental leadership change took place the hotel workers took out hammers and nails and replaced portraits with new leadership photos which would adorn the hotel on a seemingly regular basis.

The hotel served many functions throughout.  During the early 1980s about 85,000 Soviet troops fought in Afghanistan and more and more Soviet generals wanted to use the hotel as a command post.  Over the years the hotel served as a base for journalists, diplomats, and even the calling of the first Afghan Loya Jirga (Grand Assembly),  a traditional, large-scale national gathering of elders and leaders to make critical decisions for Afghanistan which met for the first time in decades in 2002 which elected Hamid Karzai.  The hotel was also a multi-purpose site as weddings and other family events took place if the political and military situation allowed.

The author does not shy away from the damage caused by war as entire villages are levelled by the Soviet Union’s carpet bombing.  Villages were then looted by rampaging rebel troops, weed tangled fields were infested by land mines, the coercive beatings and torture of local villagers, all resulting in death, lost limbs, and the destruction of the fabric of Afghan society.

The role of the mujahedeen is carefully explored paying special attention to their view of modernity as it applies to the hotel itself.  The staff was used to portraying photographs, music, video, women interacting with men, and many other aspects of life that Islamists found reprehensible.  The staff, like many Afghans made the best of their situations and adapted as best they could to whoever was in charge.  Doucet describes how hotel staff tried to maintain decorum and service it was known for even as they were confronted by mujahedeen.  The factionalism of the 1990s saw fighters repeatedly stripping the hotel of its contents as Hazrat and his compatriots mourned the perceived death of their place of employment which was their second home.  Eventually Hazrat and his family were hit by rocket fire at their home resulting in severe injuries to Hazrat, the death of his brother, but the survival of his daughters.

The hotel itself was seen as a safe place after many renovations from war damage and the implementation of extensive security measures.  However, no matter what precautions were taken the hotel and its staff could not escape the horrors of war.  For most of the 1990s the hotel suffered damage but nothing that would close it down as by 2008 Kabul’s street had become an armed fortress.  However, on June 28, 2011, nine suicide bombers hit Kabul and the hotel.  The hotel was full of wedding guests with a separate security conference taking place.  Ten would die and many were wounded in the carnage.  It took place a month after Osama Bin-Ladin was killed and President Obama announced a timeline for American withdrawal.  This attack was seared into the memories of the Hotel’s staff, which was again victimized in 2018 when three gunmen went floor to floor killing people as described by Hazrat.

(Taliban at the Intercontinental Hotel Kabul)

Doucet’s portrayal of Mohammad Aqa is an excellent source and his life is a microcosm of the hotel’s plight over the decades and Afghanistan in general.  Throughout his career he was able to maintain his waiter’s graceful bearing and air of authority which no one could deprive him of, even after serving in the Afghan army between 1991 and 1994.  The easy optimistic air under the leadership of Karzai beginning in 2002 would shortly give way to greed, and in 2016 further the tension which was endemic to the rule of Ashraf Ghani.

The situation in the hotel called for constant repairs.  The man who would later be known as “Mr. Fix-it,” Amanullah provides a different perspective as the hotel tries to survive and outlive the fighting.  For Amanullah and others, the hotel is more than mortar and steel, it is a living structure that belongs to its workers who have given their lives for its survival.  Amanullah was a laborer at the hotel until serving in the Afghan army and when he returned in the early 1990s he held numerous roles including “income auditor” as there was no one else.  Amanullah would graduate from the Polytechnic Institute  and would marry his sweetheart, Shala in the hotel’s ballroom which ended early as there was firing from the heights above the hotel.  As the war kept damaging the hotel, Amanullah was put in charge of repairs and after an Abu Dhabi businessmen financed renovations, Amanullah traveled the region securing parts and overseeing reconstruction.

 US soldiers board an US Air Force aircraft at the airport in Kabul on August 30

(American soldiers board a U.S. Air Force aircraft at Kabul’s international airport on Aug 30)

Doucet relates many horror stories as Afghans tried to survive.  Perhaps the most poignant involved families trying to leave Kabul as the last flights out of the city took place as the Americans withdrew and the Taliban took over once again.  Stories like Abida Nazuri whose life story reflects the lack of rights for women and her battle to support her family after a life with a husband who was thirty years older from an arranged marriage, the burden of supporting seven children after he died, and her quest to become a chef at the hotel are all impactful.  Through Abida’s experiences we witness the chaos and inhumanity of the American withdrawal and the Taliban takeover that saw continued fighting, suicide bombers, and rocket attacks as people tried to escape the war zone for freedom.  In the end Abida and her family did not escape.

The arrival of the Taliban was described by hotel staff in 1996 and again in 2021.  Talibs ransacked the hotel repeatedly and the staff did their best to accommodate them.  Portraits of the different Taliban leaders are presented, the most important of which is Mullah Mohammad Omar, the “commander of the faithful.”  But the most important personalities in the book are the staff and Doucet does justice to the memory of those who did not survive and those who did.  As Doucet writes about the 2018 attack; “in just one night, more of the hotel had been destroyed than all the war-torn decades gone by….the ruin didn’t stop at marble, wood and steel.  The hotel’s people were broken.”

As Amy Waldman writes in her November 30, 2025, New York Times Book Review; “It’s those people who haunted me after I closed the book. They are at the mercy of the power hungry. They may believe their fate is in God’s hands. Yet their sheer determination to survive, to feed and house their families and keep them safe, and to improve their children’s chances, never flags. If their absence of flaws doesn’t ring completely true, Doucet’s choice to highlight their ordinary heroism in this deeply felt account is understandable.”

The lobby of the Intercontinental Hotel in August 2023.

EVERYDAY IS SUNDAY: HOW JERRY JONES, ROBERT KRAFT, AND ROGER GOODELL TURNED THE NFL INTO A CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC JUGGERNAUT by Kris Benson

(Robert Kraft, Roger Goodell, and Jerry Jones)

Major league baseball used to be considered America’s pastime.  Sometime in the early 1990s after a number of decades the National Football League overtook baseball as the dominant spectator sport in America.  Professional football always seemed to be in the news, even out of season with collegiate combines, the draft, off season practices, training camps and of course the season that lasted from July through February.  The coaching carousel, which today is in full swing, trade speculation, sports betting, player safety, new stadiums seem like normal dinner time conversation, in homes, bars, and elsewhere.  How did football achieve this exalted position in American culture and maintain it?  According to New York Times business writer, Kris Belson in his new book  EVERYDAY IS SUNDAY: HOW JERRY JONES, ROBERT KRAFT, AND ROGER GOODELL TURNED THE NFL INTO A CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC JUGGERNAUT the credit falls to a group of NFL owners who remade the league by taking a low scoring game dominated by defenses into a high scoring game dominated by unheard of athletic skill and controlled violence perfectly matched with a media revolution that is constantly seeking new content.  Benson’s narrative is an entertaining examination of what he has labeled “an immensely profitable American religion.”

Commissioner Paul Tagliabue stands with Gene Upshaw the President of the NFL Players Union during the 1993 NFL draft April 25, 1993 at the Marriott...

(Paul Tagliabue and Gene Upshaw)

The book itself is more than mini-biographies of the three figures mentioned in the title.  It explores the growth of the league going back to the 1960s and brings its focus to the 1980s onward emphasizing certain watershed dates and deals.  Other figures aside from Jerry Jones, Robert Kraft, and Roger Goodell emerge as important to the leagues growth and success and Benson is able with his many contacts and deep research to formulate a number of important themes that dominate the book.  They include a fascinating description of the evolution of NFL owner cliques that made the decisive decisions that led to the league’s unparalleled success – even describing how they fought for certain chairs at league meetings like a high school cafeteria.  Certain personalities dominate but Benson’s thematic approach includes the growth of billion dollar stadiums and their financing, labor negotiations that allowed the league to take off financially, rules changes that altered the game into high scoring entertainment, and how the owners policed themselves to avoid renegades like Al Davis and Dan Snyder to impact league decision making.

Murdoch poses in front of newspapers and magazines at the New York Post offices in 1985. That year Murdoch became a naturalized US citizen, and he purchased Twentieth Century Fox for $600 million. In 1986, he bought several US television stations and created Fox Broadcasting.

(Robert Murdoch)

Almost immediately Benson describes the NFL as more than a “sports league, it was an immensely profitable religion, complete with acolytes, pomp, and tax breaks.”   Benson is correct in arguing that 1989 is a watershed date  for the league as then commissioner Paul Tabliabue worked with players union head, former Oakland Raider offensive lineman, Gene Upshaw and owners like Dan Rooney of the Pittsburgh Steelers to craft a new revenue sharing agreement with a salary cap and free agency which still provides the economic foundation for the league today.  It was also at this time that Jerry Jones and Robert Kraft entered the NFL as owners and over the next thirty years built their teams into two of the world’s most valuable franchises and had a hand in every financial decision the league made.  Their partner in this endeavor was Roger Goodell, who craved being commissioner his entire adult life who always took a maximalist approach to growing the NFL.

Goodell and the owners have turned the league into a 365 day a year enterprise through record setting deals with networks and sponsors, and other businesses that have taken black Friday, Christmas day, and other sacrosanct holidays and turned them into NFL showcases.  Further, the Draft has morphed from a sleepy event for football addicts that now draws hundreds of thousands of fans, the NFL even unveils its schedule on prime-time television – there is no off season.  As a result, Benson is dead on when he states, it is highlighted by “measures of greed, corporate welfare, violence, misogyny, self-promotion, and bland officiousness.”  The violence of the game and its resulting injuries that linger throughout the player’s lives is not the focus of fans as games are too much of a narcotic.  Even the offseason provides drugs to feed the fan’s fix as owners created NFL films, NFL network and radio, with talking heads drawing fans in.

Benson describes in detail the labor deal of December 1992 that altered the trajectory of the league as it provided free agency for the players after five years in return for a salary cap and the credit goes to Tagliabue and Upshaw who got their constituents to agree to an almost 50/50 revenue sharing document.  Of all  the personalities not mentioned in the title perhaps the most impactful is Robert Murdoch the head of FOX television.  It was Murdoch who watched his Sports subscription service in Britain through Sky sports showing Premier League matches and its success in attracting viewers and revenue who applied the model to the NFL, creating the FOX sports network.  Benson explains how Murdoch outbid CBS, hired their football group, hired announcers like John Madden and Pat Summerall, created the glitzy pre and post-game programming in eight short months that created the foundation for the NFL to cash in on media revenue.  Despite the fact, Murdoch overpaid in every area, Benso refers to him as a genius if one looks at the results of his actions.

(At & T Stadium)

Benson seems to have a handle on all the major issues that impacted the NFL over the last three decades.  From spy gate and deflate gate involving Kraft’s Patriots to the problem the NFL had with women due to players like Ray Rice who was caught beating his girlfriend.  Benson takes a deep dive into the misogyny that afflicted the NFL and how reluctantly they remediate the situation through suspensions and fines as it needed to tap the female market to enhance its profitability – a term that dominates everything Goodell and the league are obsessed with.

The game of musical chairs conducted by teams is a highlight of the book as owners like Art Modell sneaked his Browns out of Cleveland in the middle of the night to become the Baltimore Ravens.  The movements of Al Davis’s Oakland Raiders from Oakland to Los Angeles and back, then Las Vegas is a fascinating story as are the Los Angeles Rams move to St. Louis leaving the second largest market in the United States without a football team.  In the end there would be two teams in Los Angeles, expansion to Charlotte, Jacksonville, Nashville, and Cleveland which would bring the owners billions of dollars into a system that is socialist in nature.  Roger Goodell, who replaced Tagliabue as commissioner in 2006 navigated the franchise game and in the end justifies a salary which approaches $60 million per year.

Perhaps the most important aspect of the monograph rests on the health of the players after they retire.  The policy as with all things for the NFL was profitability.  When Mike Webster died at age fifty of Chronic Brain Encephalopathy (CTE) and Junior Seau committed suicide at age forty-three the league would have to take notice.  Benson argues that CTE was one of the rare existential threats to the league.  His deep research into settlements and attitudes is eye opening as the NFL showed its true colors offering only $765 million to compensate players for ALS, Alzheimer’s and other illnesses without a trial or an admission of guilt.  Eventually more money became available as post career disabilities other than head trauma were added.  The depth of Benson’s discussion is highlighted by a 2020 discovery by lawyers that black players who filed dementia claims were denied more often than white players.  The root cause was algorithms designed to estimate a players cognitive abilities years before they joined the NFL.  The algorithms assumed Black players were less intelligent in theory and looked less demented later in life, so they did not qualify for restitution!

Download Man Made Gillette Stadium 4k Ultra HD Wallpaper

(Gillete Stadium)

Another important issue that Benson explores, second to CTE in terms of the impact on the league’s bottom line, centered on San Francisco quarterback Colin Kapernick’s protest over social injustice resulting in players kneeling when the national anthem was played.  Benson’s chapter analyzing the motivations and machinations of the owners who grew very uncomfortable with the situation when President Trump injected himself into the controversy does not reflect well on league executives.  Trump’s interference exacerbated the situation, and the owners were mostly concerned with the impact on their bottom line.  Benson relates the important roles played by Kraft and Goodell in defusing the conflict and reaching an accommodation that resolved Kaepernick being “blacklisted” by owners who were tone deaf when it came to issues of race.  As usual the resolution of the issue centered around the owner’s, as per usual, throwing money at the problem in the hope the league and the players would move on.

The league is forever seeking new streams of revenue and after years of warning players about gambling on games (the Paul Hornung and Alex Karas cases of 1963 come to mind) they are now in bed with Caesars, Draftkings, and Fanduel – which operate in a number of league stadiums.  Since the league is based on an addiction to the game, another addiction to gambling as a threat does not seem to bother them.  Goodell’s rationalization is that “we didn’t support making it legal…but we just have to adjust to whatever the law is.”

Benson has written a marvelous expose of the NFL and the men who drive profitability.  It does more than point out the negative aspects of decisions and Benson does devote pages to charities that men like Kraft, Jones, and other owners donate to.  Despite this it seems when the league donates money for spousal abuse, CTE research, civil rights issues etc. it is doing so more as a marketing strategy rather than actually alleviating a basic problem fostered by the league.

cover image Every Day Is Sunday: How Jerry Jones, Robert Kraft, and Roger Goodell Turned the NFL into a Cultural & Economic Juggernaut

38 LONDRES STREET: ON IMPUNITY, PINOCHET IN ENGLAND AND A NAZI IN PATAGONIA by Philippe Sands

(The plaque outside explaining the site’s history)

In his latest book, 38 LONDRES STREET: ON IMPUNITY, PINOCHET IN ENGLAND AND A NAZI IN PATAGONIA, British-French human rights lawyer, Philippe Sands completes what he considers a type of trilogy which follows his previous works, EAST WEST STREET  and THE RATLINE. The three books are personally motivated studies of how the Nazi genocide of Jews during World War Two has shaped the world’s moral and legal understanding of justice and impunity.  As Lily Meyer asks in her review in the October 8, 2025, edition of the Washington Post; “All three books ask to what extent one country is another’s keeper.”  But this query becomes obvious in 38 LONDRES STREET which intertwines the story of Walther Rauff, the inventor of the gas extermination vans in which Hitler’s henchmen employed to kill hundreds of thousands of Jews before the extermination camp facilities were constructed, with the extradition trial of former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet in London in 1998, who after seizing power in 1973 oversaw the deaths and disappearance of over 3,000 people, the torture and imprisonment of over 40,000 victims, and the exiling of  hundreds of thousands of Chileans carried out by the secret police he created, the Direccion de Intelligence Nacional (DINA).

Sands organizes his monograph using alternating chapters delving into different aspects of his story that eventually fit together.  He focuses on a number of topics and situations.  Two of the most impactful are the crimes of Augusto Pinochet and the issue of immunity – does a former head of state have immunity for crimes he committed while in power in a sovereign nation.  This leads to a series of chapters highlighting the intimate details as indictments in Chile, Spain, and England favor the extradition of the former Chilean dictator to Spain to stand trial for the crimes he committed while leading Chile between 1973 and 1990.  As the narrative unravels a new element is introduced, the role of former Nazi Walther Rauff and his possible complicity in the crimes committed by the Pinochet regime.  Sands follows many leads and is very selective as to what he accepts for evidence and concludes that Rauff, in fact participated in some egregious disappearance of political prisoners and their torture.

The National Plebiscite was held on September 11 to approve the Political Constitution of the Republic of Chile, and to solidify the position of...

(Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet in 1980)

Sands is a prisoner of his own detail as he was actually employed as a lawyer involved in aspects of the extradition hearings, developing relationships with a number of important characters and during his research and interviews learning many troubling aspects concerning his main subjects.  This formulates the backbone of his story as sources like; Leon Gomez, Samuel Fuenzalida; and Jorges Vergara are able to link Rauff to Pinochet’s crimes against humanity.

Pinochet was arrested on October 17, 1998, while visiting London to be extradited to Spain for crimes of genocide, torture, and disappearances during his reign in Chile.  On September 11, 1973, he played a leading role as Commander and Chief in the military coup against the Socialist government of Salvador Allende.  Pinochet was a staunch anti-communist and was supported by Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger.  The title of the book 38 Londres Street was that the Socialist Party headquarters was turned into a secret interrogation and torture center.  Sands immediately describes Pinochet’s crimes focusing on the murder of Orlando Letelier and other assassinations within Chile and abroad, in addition to an abusive  prison system that encompasses the entire country highlighted by torture and beatings as more and more people kept disappearing.

Pinochet ruled Chile until he stepped down in March 1998 and became a Senator for life which gave him complete immunity as a parliamentarian, from legal proceedings in Chile.  As we will see, the immunity issue dominates the narrative but was only applied for crimes proven after 1998 not before.  By October 1998, Juan Guzman, a prosecutor in Santiago was investigating Pinochet’s personal role in allegedly authorizing the “Caravan of Death” operation where 97 people were assassinated across Chile organized by Pinochet.  The dictator was protected by the Amnesty Law he signed in 1978 for this and other crimes. 

The role of Henry Kissinger and the Nixon administration is important, and I wish Sands could have devoted more time to this aspect of the story as the then NSC head told Pinochet, “I am very sympathetic to your efforts in Chile, we wish your government well…..You did a great service to the west in overthrowing Allende.”  It appears Kissinger gave Pinochet card balance to murder Orlando Letelier.  On 21 September 1976,  the former Chilean diplomat and outspoken opponent of Pinochet, was assassinated in Washington, D.C  by a car bomb planted by agents of the Chilean secret police (DINA) as part of “Operation Condor.”   Declassified U.S. intelligence documents indicate that Pinochet personally ordered the assassination,] which was intended to eliminate a leading voice of Chilean resistance and disrupt international opposition to his regime.  Sands explores those responsible as a deal was made preventing any extraditions to the US.

President Allende's last picture was captured at about 09:45 am, at La Moneda Palace, the formal seat of the Chilean government, Santiago, Chile, September 11th, 1973.
Photo by Leopoldo Victor Vargas (courtesy Contact Press Images)

(Salvatore Allende’s last speech during 1973 coup)

Once Pinochet arrived in London in 1998 he made himself a legal target.  Sands’ access to the many major players who sought Pinochet’s extradition is a key component of the book and what separates others who have mined this topic.  Sands knew Juan Garces, a Spanish lawyer who prepared the legal work for lawsuits brought by the families of Pinochet’s victims, and Carlos Castresona, the Madrid prosecutor who brought charges against Pinochet applying universal jurisdiction as the basis for his cases for international crimes committed in Argentina – terrorism, torture, and genocide.  Castresona sought to establish a legal precedent by going after Pinochet.

Interestingly, the case was personal for Sands as learned he was a cousin of Carmelo Soria, a Spanish-Chilean diplomat assassinated on July 16, 1976.   He was a member of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean in the 1970s and  was murdered by Chile’s DINA agents as a part of “Operation Condor,” as he and his wife were friends with Salvatore Allende.  Sands provides the details of the later prosecution of agents for Soria’s murder through the Madrid legal system, and it came down to England’s extradition of Pinochet to Spain which dominates the narrative throughout.  Sands had access to the participants and came in possession of a treasure trove of documents.  The case would go back and forth as English courts took over since he was in London for medical treatment.  At times, the courts ruled that he should be extradited  as he was well enough to stand trial.  The case involved parliamentary courts led by the House of Lords,  Home Secretary Jack Straw and even former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.  The ultimate result was Pinochet would walk free claiming he was too ill and enfeebled to travel to Spain.  Upon his eventual arrival in Santiago, he seemed in the “pink of health.”  The question was why he was released.  Sands’ research points to a complex deal between England, Spain, Chile, and Belgium that allowed him to return to Chile.

(Walther Rauff in 1945)

The other major component of the narrative is the role of Walther Rauff, a former Nazi who was mentored by Reinhard Heydrich who tasked him to develop vans to be used for gassing people on the eastern front.  At the end of the war Rauff would wind his way through the labyrinth set up for Nazi’s to escape Europe and would eventually arrive in Ecuador where Sands provides evidence of his acquaintance with Pinochet, and then Chile.  Rauff would be arrested in December 1962, and Sands cites evidence of his nefariousness from documentation of the Eichmann Trial going on in Israel.  He soon became a target of the Mossad and Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal, but Rauff who was working for West German intelligence (BND) assumed he would be protected.  Because of Chile’s 15 year statute of limitations Rauff could not be extradited, and the BND cut him loose.

Rauff would be put charge of a fishing cannery in Punta Arenas called Pesquera Camelo                   after the 1973 coup which thrilled the former Nazi who would develop a working relationship with DINA and provided advice on naval matters.  Sands spends a great deal of time trying to link Rauff to Pinochet and concludes he was more than a “desk murderer” who pointed out communist targets for death, though other evidence and interviews Sands conducted point to a larger role.  For Sands there is a personal link to Rauff in addition to Pinochet.  Sands would learn that his mother’s cousin Herta, was most likely one of the thousands murdered in Rauff’s vans, Herta was twelve years old.

Sands takes the reader inside Pinochet’s reign of horror for thousands including DINA’s organizational structure and tactics interviewing perpetrators and victims at Colonia Dignidad an isolated colony established in post-World War II Chile by emigrant Germans which became notorious for the internment, torture, and murder of dissidents during the reign of Pinochet in the 1970s while under the leadership of German emigrant preacher Paul Schafer.  Schafer participated in torture of political prisoners, employed slave labor, and procured weapons for Pinochet.  Another example of Pinochet’s house of horrors was Dawson Island.   After the 1973 Chilean coup, the military dictatorship of Pinochet  used the island to house political prisoners suspected of being communist activists, including government ministers and close friends of the deposed President Salvatore Allende, most notably Orlando Letelier and others.  Roughly 400 prisoners were kept there at one time or another and were used for forced labor.

Former victims of Pinochet dictatorship return to their captivity places, in Santiago

(A hall is pictured at Estadio Nacional memorial, a former detention and torture center of the Augusto Pinochet dictatorship, in Santiago, Chile),

According to Samuel Fuenzalida, a DINA operative, Rauff was in charge of Pesquera Arauco, a  fishery that had refrigerated vans that transported political prisoners.  Fuenzalida saw Rauff at DINA headquarters at least three times in 1974 and was convinced the former Nazi worked for and consulted for the DINA.  Sands uncovers further evidence of Rauff’s role in a meeting in November 2022 with Jorgelino Vergara, another former DINA agent who claims Rauff was at the first “Operation Condor” meeting in 1974.  He places Rauff at a number of meetings that resulted in torture of prisoners, beatings, and death.  Rauff’s fishery plays an important role as they were used by DINA to carry out its torture, disappearances, even turning detainees into fish meal.

What is clear from Sands’ unparalleled research and intimate knowledge of his subject is that there is a link between Pinochet and Rauff who likely worked together through DINA.  Further, after spending an enormous amount of time explaining the legalities of Pinochet’s “immunity” fight and extradition, the former Chilean dictator was able to walk away from prosecution of his crimes.  By the time of his death on 10 December 2006, about 300 criminal charges were still pending against him in Chile for numerous human rights violations during his 17-year rule, as well as tax evasion and embezzlement during and after his rule.    He was also accused of having corruptly amassed at least US$28 million.

Sands describes the proceedings against Pinochet as the most significant criminal case since the Nuremberg Trials as never before had a former head of state been arrested in another country for international crimes.  Jennifer Szalai’s October 3, 2025, New York Times review  “Getting Away With it,”  captures the essence of Sand’s work; “Sands is also a consummate storyteller, gently teasing out his heavy themes and the accompanying legal intricacies through the unforgettable details he unearths and the many people — Rauff’s family, former military conscripts, British legal insiders — who open up to him.

Jack Straw: Jack Straw: Life in Politics

(British Home Secretary Jack Straw)

Beyond the fact that Rauff and Pinochet were socially connected, the links between them are ghostly. “I wondered about proof,” Sands writes at one point. “I wanted evidence, not speculation, rumor or myth.” What he does find is that the two men embraced the deployment of state power to torture and murder human beings, even as each made every effort to deflect responsibility. Pinochet — who issued an amnesty law in 1978 to immunize himself and his government from prosecution — blamed the people below, insisting he could not control their “excesses”; Rauff blamed the people above, insisting that he was only following orders.

There is a measure of hope in this book, but Sands shows that even in the face of overwhelming evidence, justice is never a foregone conclusion, especially when it comes to holding the powerful to account. In the epilogue, a Pinochet confidant tells Sands that the Pinochet Foundation received a check for nearly 980,000 pounds from the British government, made out to Pinochet personally, to reimburse his expenses while he was in London. Pinochet’s critics were aghast, but his lawyer was unapologetic. “That’s the system,” he said.

Photo of Philippe Sands

Lily Meyer sums up well stating that Sands “relays the court battles with precision and restraint, interviewing representatives of both sides and providing an account intellectual enough to nearly seem neutral, though his detailed, careful descriptions of Pinochet’s crimes serve as reminders of both the trial’s stakes and Sands’s own values. The government of Chile, which was democratic and socialist, opposed Pinochet’s extradition on the grounds that “it was for Chile, not Spanish judges or British courts, to deal with Pinochet’s crimes.” Central to Sands’s work, and to “38 Londres Street,” is the conviction that this claim isn’t true. The book convincingly argues that “torture, disappearance and other international crimes [can] never be treated as official acts,” and that international immunity for them dishonors their victims and undermines the very idea of human rights.”

QUEEN ESTHER by John Irving

Introducing the Head of School Search Committee

My journey with John Irving began my freshman year in college when I read SETTING FREE THE BEARS.  I have enjoyed his quirky sense of humor, his support for those ostracized by elements in society, and the incredible scenes he has created.  Perhaps my favorite scene comes from the novel, THE FOURTH HAND, where the main character, a journalist’s ex-wife, employs a lacrosse stick as a pooper scooper for her dog.   This unusual tool in a memorable, somewhat bizarre scene, highlights Irving’s style of blending the absurd with profound themes that have carried forth through some of my favorite Irving novels that include THE WORLD ACCORDING TO GARP, THE HOTEL NEW HAMPSHIRE, A PRAYER FOR OWEN MEANY, THE CIDER HOUSE RULES, and TRYING TO SAVE PEGGY SNEED.  My journey is very personal as I have taught at a university in New Hampshire, in addition to an elitist boarding school in New England.  Further my son played lacrosse at the boarding school and Harvard.  In addition, my daughter, son-in-law and two grandchildren are Mainers.  So, you can see why I have the affinity for the types of novelistic themes and characters that Irving has created.  Now that I am a senior citizen it seems that my adulthood is bookended with Irving’s writings and just when I needed an absurdist fix to deal with the reality of living in a Trumpist world he has produced his latest, QUEEN ESTHER, a book which is wonderful at times, and then disappointing at times.

In QUEEN ESTHER, Irving brings back Dr. Wilbur Larch from CIDER HOUSE RULES after four decades managing adoptions at St. Clouds Orphanage where he is the physician and Director.  Larch performs abortions for women who have no alternatives and is as cantankerous as ever.  The novel starts out in the early 20th century and revolves around Esther Nacht who was born in Vienna in 1905, the only Jewish orphan raised at St. Clouds.  On her voyage from Bremerhaven to Portland, ME her father died of pneumonia aboard ship.  Later, her mother will be murdered by anti-Semites in Portland.  Dr. Larch realizes that the abandoned child is not only aware that she is Jewish, but also she is familiar with the biblical Queen Esther after whom she was named.  Dr. Larch realizes it will not be easy to find a Jewish family to adopt her, soon he is aware that he will never find any family to adopt her.

At the outset, the novel focuses on the Winslow family who date to 1620 arriving on the Mayflower.  The Winslow’s reside in Pennacook, New Hampshire, a town which is the home of Pennacook Academy, an independent boarding school for boys founded in 1781.  One of its students was James Winslow, a faculty brat and the grandson of the most revered member of the school’s English Department, Thomas Winslow.  Since Jimmy’s mother, Esther was an orphan he could not be considered a “blue blood.”  The townspeople had difficulties with his mother’s adoption and as Irving develops the novel they were correct as Esther was the caretaker for Thomas and his wife Constance Winslow’s fourth daughter, Honor.  Jimmy’s birth was the result of the “pact” between Esther and Honor; Esther would become pregnant and give the child to Honor who detested the idea of birthing a child.  So begins a novel that is typical Irving; layered, funny, heartbreaking, and full of the strange humanity he always captures.

Irving in 2010

(John Irving in 2010)

The adoption of Esther by Thomas and Constance is important because it allows Irving to delve into societal issues related to abortion.  When the Winslow’s set out to adopt a caretaker for their daughter they were clear that they did not want to adopt someone from an orphanage run by nuns or linked to the Christian faith – they could not bear any religious affiliation.  After considering a French-Canadian orphanage as too religious they settled on St. Cloud’s where they found Esther, a Jewish child of fifteen who was born in Vienna.  As the Winslow’s searched for what turned out to be Esther, Irving presents his pro-abortion views focusing on people who opposed abortion but did not consider the child who would wind up in an orphanage, as it seemed they just wanted to punish the mother.  As in all examples of societal issues Irving will present a brief history of the topic and the fact that abortion was not considered illegal from 1620 to the mid-19th century.  Irving argues it became illegal as Doctor’s resented midwives who performed them making money at their expense.  

Since Esther was Jewish the issue of anti-Semitism soon became the focus of Irving’s characters and thereby his views.  He subtly integrates the issue as he believes that New Englanders are covertly anti-Semitic as witnessed by the reaction to Thomas’ lectures on abortion and the adoption of Esther.  It is clear that it would be difficult to find parents for Esther because she was Jewish, but since the Winslow’s were a philanthropic, non-Jewish eccentrically non-believing New Hampshire couple, they would be the type open to adopting a teenager like Esther.

The novel spans the 20th century from 1905 to 1981 and at the outset you get the feeling it is about Esther, but in reality it is mostly about Jimmy Winslow, the son who was the center of the “pact.”  Esther herself considered her “Jewishness” as the mainstay of her identity, but was not religious, though she could read Hebrew she did not believe in God.  Her main goal eventually was to move to Israel as she was consumed by the exile of the Jews from the land of Israel and the diaspora of the Jewish people.  Her outlook on life could be summed up from a quote from JANE EYRE which in true Irving fashion was tattooed between her breasts.  She traveled to Europe in 1934 with the goal of getting pregnant to honor the “pact” where she would meet Moshe Kleinberg, a Greco-Roman wrestler in the lightweight class who even had a picture taken with General Paul von Hindenburg when he was President of Germany!   Moshe, whose nickname was “the little mountain” would become Jimmy’s father but would never meet him which creates another path for Irving to expound upon as Jimmy has many identity issues because of his background.

Queen Ester by John Irving

As Jimmy matured his grandfather exposed him to literary figures, particularly Charles Dickens that factored into his decision to become a writer.  Jimmy believed in his intrinsic foreignness and was determined to see himself as an orphan, no matter how his grandparents tried to raise him.  In 1963 we find Jimmy in Vienna seeking his roots and a desire to learn German.  Esther will find him a German Jewish tutor who of course he falls in love with.  Jimmy’s other issue is the Vietnam War and the draft in the United States.  His mother, Honor, sent him to Vienna to meet someone, get them pregnant, keep the baby and in this way he would be draft exempt.  If that couldn’t take place she wanted him to wrestle with the hope of damaging his leg also making him draft exempt.  In the background everyone wonders about Esther who has gone to Palestine – is she a member of the Haganah, a Jewish defense force or something similar to defend Jews and facilitate their immigration to Palestine.  Another plot line that is an undercurrent for Jimmy is his goal of being a novelist, and of course the name of the book is THE DICKENS MAN.

In all subjects that Irving integrates into the novel he has excellent command of the history of the topic.  Apart from abortion and anti-Semitism Irving expounds on Jewish history, GREAT EXPECTATIONS by Charles Dickens, films like “From Here to Eternity,” a history of circumcision, the rise of the Nazis, the Holocaust, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the assassination of John F. Kennedy, the Cold War era in general, and Israeli politics and society.  It is clear Irving has conducted meticulous research for his novel and should be commended as he immerses himself in his subjects until every detail feels authentic even if it meant visiting wrestling gyms, hospitals or tattoo parlors.  Further as he constructs his background history he does it in a concise and meaningful manner where the subject matter just blends seamlessly into the story.

Though the novel seems to focus mostly on Jimmy, the progression of Esther in the background until she emerges at the end of the book is powerful, especially in light of what Israel seems to have become and the arguments put forth by Palestinians and Israelis alike.  The reviews for QUEEN ESTHER have been mixed and as usual in interviews Irving does not seem to care what is said about his work.  Some have panned the novel but his sarcasm, sense of the absurd, character development, and ability to provide scenes that no one else could create make the book a worthwhile read, and of course along with his unique style of writing.

SURVIVING KATYN: STALIN’S POLISH MASSACRE AND THE SEARCH FOR TRUTH by Jane Rogoyska

(Mass grave of Polish officers in Katyn Forest, exhumed by Germany in 1943)

The Katyn forest massacre committed by the Soviet Union occurred between April and May 1940.  Though killings took place in Kalinin and Kharkiv prisons operated by the NKVD and elsewhere, the massacre is named after the Katyn forest where mass graves were first discovered by the Nazis in  April1943.  Roughly 22,000 Polish military, police officers, border guards, intellectual prisoners of war were executed by the Soviet Secret Police, Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin issued the orders.  Once the Nazis announced their findings Stalin severed diplomatic relations with the London based Polish government in exile because they asked for an investigation by the International Committee of the Red Cross.  Nazi Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbles realized the publicity value of the find he immediately contacted the Polish Red Cross to investigate but the Kremlin denied culpability and blamed the Germans.  The British and their allies, dependent upon Soviet participation to defeat the Nazis, went along with the falsehood.   The Kremlin continued to deny responsibility for the massacre until 1990, when it finally accepted accountability for  NKVD’s actions and the concealment of the truth by the Soviet government.

At that time Russian president Boris Yerltsin released top-secret documents pertaining to the investigation and forwarded them to Lech Walesa, Poland’s new President.  Among the documents was a plan written by Lavrentiev Beria, the head of the NKVD until 1953 dated March 5, 1940, calling for the execution of 25,700 Poles from the Kozelsk, Ostashkov, and Starobelsk prisoner of war camps, and from prisons in Ukraine and Belarus.  After the fall of the Soviet Union the prosecutors general of the Russian Federation admitted Soviet responsibility for the massacres but refused to admit to a war crime or an act of mass murder. 

(Aerial view of the Katyn massacre grave)

The historical record acknowledges that Stalin was behind the genocidal atrocity and it was part of his larger plan to remove anyone who might conceivably pose a threat to the imposition of future Soviet rule in Poland – “a decapitation of Polish society strikingly similar to Nazi policy in occupied Poland at the same time.”  He wanted to eliminate large elements of the Polish elite to remove any potential obstacle to the later imposition of communist rule.  For Stalin, Poland was an artificial creation of the 1919 Versailles Treaty that undid the 1772, 1793 and 1795 partitions of Poland between Russia, Prussia, and the Austrian Empire.  Because of the Nazi-Soviet Pact of August 26, 1939, Poland would be divided a fourth time between Germany and the Soviet Union.  Stalin could retake Russia’s Polish holdings, Western Ukraine and Belorussia without worrying about German opposition.  A second line of reasoning for Stalin centers around the Soviet dictator’s knowledge of Adolf Hitler’s intentions.  Stalin had read MEIN KAMPF and was fully cognizant of Hitler’s endgame- Lebensraum or “living space” in the east, and how Russia was to be Germany’s “breadbasket.”  By invading Poland on September 16, 1939, completing the fourth partition of Poland he would create a buffer zone for the eventual German invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941.  For Stalin it was a defensive measure.

The mystery clouding responsibility over the massacre is the subject of historian and biographer Jane Rogoyska’s book, SURVIVING KATYN: STALIN’S POLISH MASSACRE AND THE SEARCH FOR TRUTH which chronicles how the NKVD worked to reshape the facts pertaining to the massacre blaming it on the Nazis.  Planting documents on dead bodies to pursuing a truck full of evidence across Europe, destroying records, to staging incidents in European capitals the Stalinist government left no stone unturned in quashing the truth.  Only 395 men survived the massacre who were unwitting witnesses to a crime that theoretically never officially happened.  In a striking narrative, Rogoyska brings the victims out of the shadows, telling their stories as well as those of the people who desperately searched for them.  In a work of moral clarity and precision, the author does not just supply statistics about another World War II atrocity, but how individuals were sacrificed for no reason and whose memory was lost, a sideshow in the battle between two psychotic and demented dictators.

Map of the sites related to the Katyn massacre

(Map of the sites related to the Katyn massacre)

At the outset Rogoyska introduces the reader to the prisoners of war and their overseers.  She lays out the incarceration process, the paranoia of the NKVD, and the incompetence of the bureaucracy of those in charge.  Recounting the interrogation process, attempts to propagandize the Poles, and presenting intimate pictures of the prisoners, the author employs interviews, memoirs, and whatever documentation was available in order to the provide the most complete picture of the personalities and events pertaining to the massacre since Allen Paul’s KATYN: STALIN’S MASSACRE AND THE TRIUMPH OF TRUTH.

Initially the prisoners were taken to three camps, Starobelsk, Kozelsk, and Ostashkov.  Rogoyska discusses life in all three camps and focuses mostly on Starobelsk as she follows the lives of Bronislav Mlynarski, Jozef Czapski, and Zygmunt Kwarcinke.  They would be among the last group that left Starobelsk and were sent to a transit camp at Pavlishchev Bor in a group of 395 out of 14,800 from all three prison camps.  On June 14, 1940, they were taken to the Griazovets camp located halfway between Moscow and the Arctic port of Arkhangelsk.

While in Griazovets, Beria, with Stalin’s support, worked to create a Polish Division within the Red Army, a topic that Rogoyska spends a great deal of time discussing.  Beria and his henchmen tried to recruit Polish officers to lead it, most refused, but a few from a pro-Soviet group from Starobelsk known as the “Red Corner” agreed.  The NKVD was concerned about the officer’s attitudes toward the exiled Polish government in London.  While questioning other officers who remained POWs who wanted information about the whereabouts and availability of their compatriots, Beria responded “no, we made a big mistake.”  From this phrase the author develops Beria’s guilt in the death of thousands.  It would take until May of 1943 for the creation of the Polish 1st Tadeusz Kosciuszko infantry division within the Red Army led by General Zigmunt Berling, an NKVD collaborator.  This would satisfy Beria’s goal of a division with a “Polish Face” within the Soviet military.

Lavrenty Beria

( Director of the Soviet secret police-NKVD Lavrenty Beria)

During training at Griazovets, the NKVD invested a great deal of time trying to gain the loyalty of the Poles.  They created a cultural school employing film, lectures, music, better treatment, etc. to no avail.  The NKVD attempt to re-educate these men was an abject failure.

Finally on June 22, 1941, Stalin’s greatest fear came to fruition when the Nazis invaded Russia.  The invasion impacted the prisoners in a number of ways.  First, conditions at Griazovets worsened as rations were cut 50%, clothing became unavailable, and freedoms were lessened.  Secondly, the Polish POWs feared as the Russians collapsed they would be seized and imprisoned by the Germans.  Thirdly, a large influx of new prisoners created chaos.  Lastly, the London Poles came to an agreement with the Kremlin, known as the Sikorski-Maisky Agreement, restored diplomatic relations between Poland and Russia, instituted an amnesty for all prisoners in Russia, including thousands of women and children.  It was decided that General Wladyslaw Andres would command the Polish army after his release from prison on August 4, 1941.  The Poles, no longer prisoners, wondered the fate of their comrades – they had no idea that 14,500 of them from the three camps had been massacred.

From this point on Rogoyska explores who was responsible for the deaths of thousands of POWs, who was responsible for their deaths, and how the truth was covered up.  Despite the amnesty for prisoners during their arrests they were sent deeper into Russia.  These deportations took place between 1940 and 1941 numbered between 1.25 and 1.6 million, though the NKVD argues it “was only” 400,000.  The death toll was about 30%.

( Jozef Czapski in uniform, January 1943)

Rogoyska focuses on the major players in her investigation.  Generals Anders and Zygmunt Bohusz-Szysk met with Marshal Georgy Zuhkov and General Ivan Pantilov asking for a list of Polish soldiers taken by the Soviet Union.  They met six times and meetings were pleasant until the fate of the prisoners were brought up and Zhukov would change the subject and remarked they would eventually be found.  Professor Stanislaw Kot, a Polish academic was placed in charge of the prisoner issue by Andres, but he also was stonewalled and got nowhere.  His meetings with Andrey Vyshinsky (Stalin’s purge prosecutor in the 1930s) and Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov who offered to assist but claimed the NKVD did not maintain detailed records on the missing officers.  Kot knew it was a lie, and the author details the meticulous records the NKVD kept.  Rogoyska integrates transcripts of their meetings and Kot grows increasingly angry and frustrated with Vyshinsky’s responses.  Molotov wrote General Sikorski in December 1941 that “all Polish citizens detained as POWs had now been released and that Soviet authorities had given them all necessary assistance.”


The author addresses the silence surrounding the missing men that gave rise to theories as to their fate.  The most plausible thing was that they had been sent to one of the Soviet Union’s remote regions and had not yet been able to make their way south.  Another theory rests on the claim that Polish prisoners were working in the mines and construction of military facilities in the Gulag region of Kolyma in the far east of Russia.  Andres put former prisoner Jozef Czapski in charge of investigating the plight of these men and basically took over from Professor Kot.  After meeting with Major Lenoid Raikhman, who was in charge of the Polish section at the notorious Lubyanka prison in Moscow who plead ignorance about the fate of the 14,500 officers, Czapski concluded they were probably sent to the remotest parts of the country and very few returned, and even those who made it back could not provide any useful information.  Czapski was limited because he was appointed by the exiled Polish government in London and since the British were dependent on their Soviet allies in defeating Hitler they did not want to create waves.

Another key figure in the investigation was Lt. Stanislaw Swianiewicz, a former prisoner in the Kozelek camp and a distinguished professor of economics.  The NKVD was interested in him because he had authored a book explaining how the Germans had rearmed.  His story is right out of a movie set as the Russians interrogated him, released him, and tried to rearrest him but he escaped.  Rogoyska’s chapters on his escapades provide a glimpse into Soviet thinking, the diplomatic game that was taking place between the Polish government in exile, the allies, and the Soviet Union, and Russian duplicity throughout.  Swianiewicz was important to the Stalin because he was a witness to Soviet war crimes. 

(Andrey Vyshinsky in 1940)

The Soviet smokescreen began in the fall of 1943 after the Red Army retook the Smolensk area.  Before the Soviets arrived, the Germans allowed a group of Allied journalists to watch an autopsy prepared by Professor Gerhard Buhtz, the head of Germany’s Army Group Medical Services who pointed out that the bodies were all shot through the back of the head.  Not to be out done, the Soviet Union conducted its own investigation headed by Lt. General of the Medical Corps and one time doctor to Stalin, brain specialist Nikolai Burdenko.  NKVD operational workers arrived at Katyn in September 1943 under the direction of BG Major Leonid Raikhman whose men proceeded to rearrange the site, swaying witnesses, planting documents on dead bodies to support the charge that the massacre did not occur in 1940, but in August 1941 during the Nazi occupation.  After allowing a group of journalists to visit the site, Alexander Werth, British journalist concluded that the evidence was very thin, and the site had a “prefabricated appearance.”   He agreed with others that Moscow had committed the massacre.  To her credit, the author delves into minute detail of the investigations and the personalities involved who could only conclude based on their findings it was not Germany that was responsible, but the Stalinist regime.  She also includes primary source material like the Burdenko Commission report and others that were issued after careful investigations of the site and the exhumed bodies.

(Formal portrait, 1932 Josef Stalin)

The British and the Poles were convinced the NKVD was responsible, but it did not matter as the Soviet Union was needed to defeat Germany, so the allies swallowed their concerns.  After the war, the communist government in Warsaw pursued anyone who tried to alter occurrences that would contradict the Soviet rendering of events.

Since the topic of the massacre has fostered a great deal of scholarship it is not surprising that the author does not contain any new revelations.  But to her credit her account is lucid and powerful as she recreates the lives of the officers who were artists, scientists, engineers, poets, lawyers, as well as career military men.  She chose to examine her topic through the lens of the investigation rather than describing it as it happened which may have been more thought provoking for the reader.

A mass grave, with multiple corpses visible

(A mass grave at Katyn, 1943)